We’re a little late reporting this, but back on April 24th Congressman Lacy Clay (D-St. Louis) added his name to Rep. Barney Frank’s House Resolution 5843, which would eliminate most Federal penalties for possession of marijuana for personal use.

Clay joined Republican Congressman and Presidential candidate Ron Paul as the only other co-sponsor of the obviously controversial measure.

Here’s the text of the bill language:

Notwithstanding any other provision of law, no penalty may be imposed under an Act of Congress for the possession of marijuana for personal use, or for the not-for-profit transfer between adults of marijuana for personal use. For the purposes of this section, possession of 100 grams or less of marijuana shall be presumed to be for personal use, as shall the not-for-profit transfer of one ounce or less of marijuana, except that the civil penalty provided in section 405 of the Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 844a) may be imposed for the public use of marijuana if the amount of the penalty does not exceed $100.

Prominent St. Louisians David Steward, founder and chairman of World Wide Technology, and U.S. Rep. William Lacy Clay, Jr., are among Ebony Magazine’s “Power 150″ list of the Most Influential Black Americans of 2008.

The honors were reported in the St. Louis Business Journal Wednesday.

Steward helms St. Louis-Based company that specializes in systems integration, working within the commercial, government and telecom sectors. In 2007, the privately held company reported $2.5 billion in revenue.

Rep. Clay chairs the House subcommittee on information policy, census and national archives, which maintains information and privacy standards and oversees the census bureau.

This is the 45th anniversary of Ebony’s “Power 150″ list. It will appear in the May issue of the magazine which will be on newsstands nationwide Monday.

Congressman William Lacy Clay, Jr. (D-Mo.) will hold a House joint oversight hearing on hand-held devices meant to collect data for the 2010 US Census that were deemed faulty.

Recently the Secretary of Commerce called for a major change in the design of new hand-held, electronic census gathering technology partly because of failures in the equipment. Because of these flaws, the cost of the 2010 census may increase by $2.2 to $3 billion.

Clay has pushed the department on its failures in the Field Data Collection Automation Program, created for the devices. The hearing will take place Wednesday at 2 p.m. in Washington, D.C.

Reporters at Congressional Quarterly Online are taking a peak at some Missouri Republican strongholds that may be ripe for the picking by Democrat insurgents.

CQ singles out two prime House races in the sixth district, consisting of the rural northwest as well as portions of Kansas City and its suburbs, and the ninth featuring northeast Missouri and Columbia.

The sixth district race stars a four-term Republican incumbent Rep. Sam Graves fighting to stave off former Kansas City Mayor, Democrat opponent Kay Barnes. The fight for the ninth is a nonagon battle royal, featuring no less than five Republicans and four Democrats including current Republican Rep. John Hulshof who’s absconded away to run for governor, leaving his district exposed.

The GOPers are state Reps. Bob Onder and Danie Moore; Brock Olivo, a pro-footballer and Mizzou alum; and former state Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer. The Dems consist of state Rep. Judy Baker, county commissioner Lyndon Bode, Steve Gaw, the former state House Speaker, and Ken Jacob, who lost a Democratic primary for lieutenant governor in 2004.

Like with many Dem. versus GOP battles squaring up for the fall, fund-raising is the dog whistle of potential trouble-a-brewin’.

With more than $1 million raised and $743,000 cash on hand through the end of 2007, Barnes is among the best-funded candidates who are challenging incumbents of the opposite party. Republicans, though, are painting Barnes as a “big-city mayor” and touting Graves’ roots in rural northwestern Missouri. Graves is also well-funded, having reported $1.2 million in receipts and $868,000 cash on hand as of Dec. 31.

Hulshof waited until late January to announce his bid for governor, so most of the candidates to succeed him got off to a fairly late fundraising start. The only exception was Democrat Baker, who entered the race last year as a possible challenger to Hulshof and raised $103,000 by Dec. 31. Candidates in this and all other House races are due to file their next campaign finance reports to the Federal Election Commission by April 15 for activity through March 31.

CQ doesn’t like the Dems chances in other places in Missouri, ranking the Show-Me-State as a righty, hence singling out these districts as the Dems best chances in the GOP’s Fortress of Conservative Missourian Solitude.

Congressman William Lacy Clay (D-Mo.) is calling for a backup plan for the Census Bureau if they can’t fix problems with their new handheld electronic devices meant to assist in data collection

Clay, who chairs the House Subcommittee on Information and Technology, including the Census and National Archives, said he was angry at the agency’s failure to disclose the problems with the new technology.

“Whether the Census fixes the handheld computers or goes back to pen and paper, I want to assure the American people that we will get this right in 2010,” Clay said in a written release Wednesday.

The program has been hampered by a series of technical glitches.

To a gallery of more than 100 people Saturday, Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), a native St. Louisian, asked, “What can the state, the city, the Mayor, the federal government do to fix this problem?”

The problem was more than 30 years of decay and disrepair in North City. The reason behind it was on the mouths of everyone in the room, and long in the minds of black St. Louisans old enough to remember – The Team 4 Plan.

Hosted by Rep. Waters, Rep. Lacy Clay (D-Mo.) and Rep. Al Green (D-TX), the Subcommittee on Housing and Community Opportunity held a field meeting at St. Louis City Hall where concerned citizens, community leaders and activists packed the hearing.

Representatives from the community as well as the government gave testimony, including Mayor Francis Slay’s deputy mayor of development, Barb Geisman, who said that she had never read the Team 4 plan, but nonetheless asserted that it was “not relevant to anything we’ve been doing the last seven years.”

Team 4 was a controversial plan developed in the 1970s that proposed the cutting off of services and funds to North City so the area could be slated for later redevelopment. Many North City residents blamed the plan for the deterioration of their neighborhoods even though the city has long denied that it was formally implemented.

Waters said the meeting was to find out if there had been an “informal” implementation of the Team 4 Plan and how the community and government could address these issues in the hope to move North City beyond the programs and developments of the past that failed the neighborhood.

Rep. Clay said North City has long suffered from many development ills.

“We have not received the proper attention from the government or the private sector,” said Clay, later recalling what North City was like in his youth, adding, “You can never go back to the past but you can reflect on that and know the potential for the community.”

The Subcommittee on Housing and Community Opportunity will hold a field hearing entitled “The Use of Federal Housing and Economic Development Funds in St. Louis: From ‘Team 4′ Into the Future” at noon on Saturday, March 8, at the St. Louis City Hall, 1200 Market Street.

Congressman Wm. Lacy Clay (D-Mo), Chairman Maxine Waters (D-CA) and Congressman Emanuel Cleaver (D-Mo) invite the public to join this important discussion about how St. Louis and other major urban areas can rediscover the overlooked economic opportunities in older neighborhoods, and how previous development policies have failed the residents in these areas.

THE HISTORY OF THE TEAM FOUR PLAN

On October 21, 1973, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported the city’s political leaders’ anger with the California-based Rand Corporation for a report that the company’s Urban Policy Analysis Program published predicting that the City of St. Louis “probably will soon lose its position as the commercial hub of the metropolitan area.”

The report largely blamed federal government policies for the City’s fate. Very similar to what was happening at the same time in New York City, the report said that highway construction, federal home mortgage programs, and property tax incentives all encouraged the exodus of people and commerce from the City into suburban areas. “The effect of such policies is not likely to be reversed,” the report stated.

The report went on to suggest that St. Louis City accept a diminished role as “one suburb among many in metropolitan St. Louis” and seek federal and state revenue-sharing programs and area-wide earnings taxes as ways of supporting a “shrinking and underprivileged population.”

The study, which also included much more favorable analyses of Seattle, Washington and San Jose, California, was financed by the National Science Foundation. Local political leaders at the time attacked the study on several points, including not making specific policy recommendations on how to turn around what it identified as the City’s doomed course.

Eerily similar to the mantra of today’s leadership, Mayor John H. Poelker and others adamantly pointed to development downtown as evidence of the city’s imminent turn-around; a theory that is clear today to have proven untrue.

Shortly after the Rand study was made public, two St. Louis aldermen took it upon themselves to make St. Louis a great city again.

Known as part of the “Young Turk” faction of the Board of Aldermen, in the fall of 1973, Aldermen John G. Roach and Richard Gephardt (later a U.S. Congressman) introduced Board Bills 19 and 20. While they never actually became law, the bills were early versions of what would become known as the Team Four Plan.

A November 8, 1973 article in the St. Louis Argus quotes the bills’ controversial language calling predominately black North St. Louis “an insignificant residential area not worthy of special maintenance effort.”

The bills called for the preservation of 74,000 buildings in South St. Louis–and prescribed the demolition of 70,100 buildings on the Northside. The Argus pointed out that a study by the City Planning Commission published in April 1971 pointed up the fact that 70,100 houses in the section of the City north of Franklin Avenue (Dr. Martin Luther King Drive) were recommended for demolition because “rehabilitation would be uneconomical”. Conversely, 74,000 buildings in South St. Louis met “or exceed the standards of local codes and need only to be maintained.”

According to press reports at the time, the report, which seemed to be the foundation for Roach and Gephardt’s bills, noted that 50,100 of the 70,100 buildings targeted for demolition were presently homes occupied by families.

The bills quickly became a lightening rod for St. Louis’ black political machine of 1973. Board Bills 19 and 20 never became law but, not more than two years later, Northside residents found themselves under attack again.

TEAM FOUR

Team Four, Inc. was hired by the City’s Planning Commission in 1973 to prepare a city-wide comprehensive planning study, an update to the City’s 1947 Comprehensive Plan.

Team Four prepared several technical memorandums for the City for that purpose. It is Technical Memorandum 6B, officially known as Citywide Implementation Strategies: The Draft Comprehensive Plan, historically known simply as the “Team Four Plan,” that many believe became the blueprint for North St. Louis’ present state.

The Team Four Plan proposed public policy guidelines and strategies for saving the City from the circumstances clearly identified in the Rand Report.

As if on a sinking ship, Team Four called upon the City to buck up and make some tough decisions if it hoped to survive. “Major shifts in public attitudes” were called upon to make the kinds of changes Team Four saw as necessary.

Team Four recommended that the St. Louis make a “realistic appraisal of the short- and long-range potential of all areas in the City” and take determined and “clear-cut stances on the strategy for different areas of the City.”

The Plan recommended that each area of the City be grouped into one of three groups: Conservation, Redevelopment, and Depletion, these distinctions being based on factors including age, physical qualities, loan policies, public service level and population stability. Race is not mentioned specifically.

Using the following example, The Plan highlights the importance of labeling City areas:

“Rapid transit, which would be City-wide in impact, would not affect each area type in the same way. An improved rapid transit system would be influenced and shaped by impact areas as much as the areas are influenced by it… In Conservation Areas rapid transit must be planned to act as a stabilizing force and therefore must be properly buffered. In Redevelopment Areas, though, transit can be used as a major stimulus to encourage private investment.”

So-called Depletion Areas – areas identified as those which receive “spotty City services” and are the victims of “red lining”, where “large numbers of unemployed, the elderly, and the recipients of welfare are left to wait for assistance which does not seem to be forthcoming” – should not benefit, the Plan suggests, from the economic stimulation that would come from hosting a stopping point for the rapid transit described above (what we now call Metrolink).

Depletion Areas present the City’s planners with an interesting riddle. On the one hand, this question: What should the City do for the residents and businesses of these Northside areas in the way of city services while their neighborhoods are being abandoned?

And on the other hand: What should the City do to encourage investment in these areas to stabilize them?

The Team Four Plan: “To answer one question with a public policy decision immediately causes a conflict with the other. For example, proceeding with building demolition and assembly of vacant parcels for redevelopment results in a neighborhood dotted with rubble-filled lots and boarded up buildings” the 1975 document states. “Such neighborhoods do not induce new investment.”

“On the other hand,” it continues, “to expend public funds on new streets, libraries, schools or code enforcement in an area designated for total renewal doesn’t make sense either.”

Team Four goes on to concede that it would be less than humane to enact a total denial of services to Northside residents. “The City cannot abandon those trapped in Depletion Areas,” it says, “nor can it ignore the eventual need to redevelop these areas.”

Team Four warns of fence-straddling when it comes to making these tough decisions, “Allowing or encouraging scattered, uncoordinated investments within Depletion Areas will only sap the City’s too limited fiscal resources.”

“Efforts must be made to adjust services and public investments so as to provide for those who are remaining in these areas. Yet these efforts should be pursued without encouraging new investment until the City determined that Redevelopment can and should begin.”

“Without encouraging new investment”? In an area that is so obviously in need of reinvestment, people so in need of help and support, what could possibly be the motivation for such passive aggressiveness?

Money, Racism, Class Discrimination, Basic Survival? Take your pick.

CONSEQUENCES

“As a result of the Team Four Plan, [the City] spent hundreds of millions of dollars in the Central West End to stabilize and to create a barrier between North and South St. Louis so the [few] black people in South St. Louis [at that time] could never gain political power,” said Charles Quincy Troupe, in a 2002 interview with PubDef. Troupe spent 30 years in the state legislature and is now alderman of the 1st Ward in north St. Louis.

Powerless at the hands of the powerful. John Roach, the 28th Alderman who, along with Richard Gephardt, introduced Board Bills 19 and 20 in 1973, resigned from the Board of Aldermen in 1975 to become the first head of the Community Development Agency, the organization the Team Four Plan identified as the tool with which the City should acquire land and property for the purposes redevelopment, once the City determined the time was right to begin development.

Gephardt went on to become of the Democratic leaders in Congress and was instrumental in moving 30,000 Bosnian refugees to south St. Louis in the late 1990s, a move which helped offset that part of town’s population losses.

Many believe that, while neither the Team Four Plan nor Gephardt and Roach’s aldermanic bills ever became official law, the philosophy of benign neglect has permeated every policy effecting north St. Louis in the last 30 years — from spending, to police patrols, to trash pick-ups.

But one thing is for sure, the blight and the population losses have continued and the problems of north St. Louis (violent crime, depressed property values, and declining population) are now the problems which largely define the entire City of St. Louis.

The issues of equity continue to permeate the politics of this once-great city: Power-sharing in government and city departments, spending in infrastructure repairs north and south of Delmar, and stalled government investment and incentivization in the areas that need it most — These are the challenges and controversies that continue to prevent St. Louis from reclaiming the status that the researchers at the Rand Corporation so correctly predicted it would lose: its position as the political and economic hub of Missouri.

Until it learns to work together, as one city, St. Louis may never regain what it has lost.

Former U.S. Attorney General (as well as former Missouri Governor and Senator) John Ashcroft has agreed to appear at a federal hearing looking into millions of dollars of no-bid contracts he and others received to monitor out-of-court corporate settlements.

A House Judiciary Committee subcommittee announced the agreement with Ashcroft in Washington, D.C. today, the day before the committee was to consider authorizing its chairman to issue him a subpoena.

From the AP:

The former attorney general is considered a key witness in the inquiry into lucrative federal monitoring contracts awarded by federal prosecutors to hand-picked monitors to oversee deferred prosecutions…

[Christopher Christie, the U.S. Attorney for New Jersey] appointed Ashcroft in September as monitor for Zimmer Holdings Inc., of Warsaw, Ind., one of five makers of replacement hips and knees that agreed to pay $310 million and accept federal monitors to settle concerns over doctor kickbacks.

Ashcroft’s Washington, D.C.-based consulting firm, The Ashcroft Group LLC, stands to make from $27 million to $52 million over 18 months, according to a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission.

LINK: Ashcroft to Testify on Monitor Contracts